Special BNA Article (8/1/01)
Analysis & Perspective
HIPAA, Bartnicki,
and Public Interest In Inherently Private Records
By Richard D. Marks
PRIVACY VERSUS FREE SPEECH
The press often reports on abuses in health
care, and many stories originate with whistleblowers who supply
medical records to prove their tips. However, privacy restrictions
in the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996
(HIPAA) make it a felony for the press to obtain these records,
much less report about them. Court challenges to HIPAA's limitations
on press freedoms are likely, but there are vexing questions of
constitutional doctrine, and the outcome is uncertain despite the
U.S. Supreme Court's decision this term in Bartnicki v. Vopper,
protecting the broadcast of a cell phone conversation intercepted
by a whistleblower. Hospitals and medical professionals will be
among those caught in the crossfire.
On May 21, 2001, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Bartnicki
v. Vopper that a radio commentator's broadcast of an illegally
intercepted cellular telephone call was protected by the First Amendment.
The commentator was not the person who intercepted the call, and
the court's holding is explicitly limited to the unique facts of
the case. Nevertheless, the reasoning of the majority, concurring,
and dissenting justices portends profound difficulties for journalists,
hospitals, and medical professionals under the Health Insurance
Portability and Accountability Act of 1996, aimed at protecting
the security and privacy of medical records.
Bartnicki's
Facts
In 1992-1993, a labor union representing teachers at a Pennsylvania
high school was engaged in contentious contract negotiations with
the school board. Two union officials, one using a cell phone, held
a conversation that was surreptitiously recorded by a person whose
identity remains unknown.1
In the conversation, the two union officials
discussed the difficulties of the negotiations. One remarked: "If
they're not gonna move for three percent, we're gonna have to go
to their, their homes ... To blow off their front porches, we'll
have to do some work on some of those guys."2
The head of a local taxpayers' organization
opposed to the union's demands testified that he found a tape of
the call in his mailbox. He played it for some members of the school
board, and later delivered a copy of the tape to a local radio commentator,
who broadcast the tape on his public affairs talk show.3
The two union officials filed suit, seeking damages, fees, and
costs, under federal and Pennsylvania statutes making illegal the
interception of telephone calls (including cellular calls).4 They
argued that the head of the taxpayer's organization who first received
the tape and the radio commentator who broadcast it knew or had
reason to know that the recording was made illegally.5
The Courts Below
The parties filed cross motions
for summary judgment in district court. Defendants asserted that
they had no role in intercepting the call, and that their disclosure
of it was protected by the First Amendment.6
The district court held that it is
plainly illegal under the federal Electronic Communications Privacy
Act, 18 U.S.C. §2510 et seq., intentionally to disclose the contents
of an electronic communication when the person "'know[s] or ha[s]
reason to know that the information was obtained' through an illegal
interception."7 The district court also held that the federal and
state "statutes were content neutral laws of general applicability,"
and were not a prior restraint. Therefore, the district court rejected
defendants' First Amendment defense. However, the district court
granted a motion for an interlocutory appeal, and certified the
question of whether imposing liability based on the defendant's
actions in turning over the tape and in broadcasting it violated
the First Amendment.
The court of appeals, applying an
intermediate level of scrutiny to what it viewed as content-neutral
statutes, held nevertheless that the federal and Pennsylvania wiretapping
acts "deterred significantly more speech than necessary to protect
the privacy interests at stake,"8 and so remanded with the direction
to grant summary judgment to the defendants.9
The Majority Opinion
The Supreme Court, in an opinion by
Justice John Paul Stevens, affirmed 6-3. It held that the radio
commentator's broadcast of the tape was protected under the First
Amendment's "shield [for] speech about matters of public concern."10
The court accepted the plaintiffs'
assumptions that the interception was intentional and unlawful,
and that the defendants had reason to know it was illegal, so that
defendants had violated the wiretap statutes. Consequently, the
question was whether the statutes as applied violated the First
Amendment.11
The court, concentrating on the federal
act rather than its Pennsylvania counterpart, held that the wiretap
prohibitions were content-neutral because they did not depend on
the content or the views expressed in the intercepted communications.12
Still, the court held that the statute's "naked prohibition against
disclosure is fairly characterized as a regulation of pure speech,"13
as distinguished from a regulation of conduct.
The court rejected as insufficient
both interests advanced by the government to justify the statute:
first, removing incentives for the interception of private communications
and, second, minimizing harm to those whose communications are intercepted.14
The first reason, discouraging illegal interceptions by punishing
innocent recipients' later truthful publication of the intercepted
content, was deemed too speculative to overcome the fundamental
First Amendment interest in protecting public debate on matters
of public concern.15 The court reached this conclusion by relying
on an unbroken line of cases protecting publication of information
of public significance that was lawfully obtained by media publishers:
"if a newspaper lawfully obtains truthful information about a matter
of public significance then state officials may not constitutionally
punish publication of the information, absent a need ... of the
highest order."16
The court viewed the government's
second asserted justification as by far the stronger of the two.17
It assumed that minimizing harm to the people involved in private
conversations justified penalties for the interceptor's own use
of the illegally acquired content.18 However, as to publication by
the radio commentator--who had no role in performing or encouraging
the interception of the cell-phone call--that interest was outweighed
by the public interest in truthful dissemination of the conversation's
content, involving as it did a matter of public interest (school
contract negotiations with the union) and the mention of a threat
of violence.19
The court quoted Warren and Brandeis'
statement that "[t]he right of privacy does not prohibit any publication
of matter which is of public or general interest."20 The court noted
that "[o]ne of the costs associated with participation in public
affairs is an attendant loss of privacy."21 It emphasized the profound
commitment to preserving robust debate on public issues, and to
the "'general proposition that freedom of expression upon public
questions is secured by the First Amendment.'"22
The court explicitly refused to extend
its holding beyond the facts of the case, and to answer generally
"whether truthful publication may ever be punished consistent with
the First Amendment."23 It noted that the cases leave open the question
of whether the state could punish a newspaper that unlawfully acquired
information for both the illegal acquisition and the ensuing publication.
Thus, its holding was confined to the situation where a commentator
"obtained the information ... in a manner lawful in itself but from
a source who has obtained it unlawfully."24
The Concurrence and Dissent
While joining the court's opinion,
Justices Sandra Day O'Connor and Stephen Breyer concurred, in an
opinion by Justice Breyer, for the purpose of explaining why the
court's holding "does not imply a significantly broader constitutional
immunity for the media."25 Justice Breyer noted that the statutes
in question did not forbid receipt of the tape itself, and he argued
that "the speaker had little or no legitimate interest"
in the privacy of the call because of the suggestion of violence,
a "wrongful act" in Justice Breyer's view. Justice Breyer views
the contents of the particular cell-phone call in question as falling
within a privilege allowing reports of threats to public safety.26
Among the examples he cites in support of this approach is a case
holding that the psychiatric privilege is not binding when there
is danger to the patient or others.27 He reinforces this framework
with the observation that the union officials involved in the call
"had a lesser interest in privacy than an individual engaged in
purely private affairs."28
Because of the constraints of the
facts surrounding the call and the legal doctrine applied as a result,
Justice Breyer observes that the holding is narrow. It does not
in his view "create a 'public interest' exception" to general privacy
protections.29 Moreover, Justice Breyer observes that "the Constitution
permits legislatures to respond flexibly to the challenges future
technology may pose to the individual's interest in basic personal
privacy."30 He sees legislatures revisiting privacy statutes, such
as those punishing wiretapping, so that they are better-tailored
and, consequently, more effective.31
In dissent, Chief Justice William
H. Rehnquist, joined by Justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas,
argues that the federal and Pennsylvania wiretap prohibitions are
content-neutral because they are based solely on the manner in which
the content is acquired (interception of electronic or oral communication).32
This responds to the need Congress saw to protect privacy from invasions
using new technology.33 He contrasts this with the Daily Mail
line of cases,34 each of which involved a statute regulating a particular
category of speech about governmentally held information (names
of rape victims, juvenile offenders, or judges subject to review
for disciplinary proceedings).35
Chief Justice Rehnquist argues that
the majority placed "an inordinate amount of weight upon the fact
that the receipt of an illegally intercepted communication has not
been criminalized.36 Further, he emphasizes that the wiretap prohibitions
further the First Amendment interest in not inhibiting private communications.37
He observes that the court has created an "inviolable" right to
broadcast conversations of public importance:
The Constitution should not protect
the involuntary broadcast of personal conversations. Even where
the communications involve public figures or concern public matters,
the conversations are nonetheless private and worthy of protection.
Although public persons may have foregone the right to live their
lives screened from public scrutiny in some areas, it does not
and should not follow that they also have abandoned their right
to have a private conversation without fear of it being intentionally
intercepted and knowingly disclosed.38
HIPAA's Statutory Scheme
In HIPAA, Congress sought to make
the health care system more efficient. Congress mandated a large-scale
conversion to electronic patient records and the use of specified
standard transactions. Congress's goal is to make electronic data
interchange (EDI) possible--and, indeed, required--within the United
States for this set of routine health care transactions. Having
patient records in electronic form is obviously necessary to this
process. However, Congress also was concerned that electronic patient
records would be easy for hackers to locate, copy, and publish worldwide,
in an instant, via the Internet. HIPAA's privacy and security provisions
therefore are designed to protect patients' privacy rights once
their health records are converted to electronic form. Congress
was aware of widespread public sentiment on patient privacy issues,
and of the public's fears of wholesale invasions of the privacy
of medical records.39
HIPAA requires that hospitals, physicians,
health plans, clearinghouses, and other covered entities maintain
a high level of privacy and security.40 There are criminal as well
as civil penalties for entities and individuals who breach these
new statutory duties. 41
HIPAA will be implemented by security
regulations that have yet to be published in final form and final
privacy regulations which are already published.42 It will also be
attended by ongoing controversy.43 The regulatory scheme is complicated.
For example, the final privacy rules, plus accompanying commentary,
require 367 pages in the Federal Register.44 A description
of the entire regulatory framework is the province of a book, not
this short commentary. Rather, the focus here is on unauthorized
access to, and publication of, protected patient records, including
records of interest to the press and public, and how, under HIPAA,
the courts will treat unauthorized disclosure of these records.45
HIPAA's Regulation of Disclosures
by Whistleblowers
The press relies on tips and inside
information for stories about alleged wrongdoing by hospitals, nursing
homes, physicians, or health insurers. Often this inside information
may include individually identifiable health records. Tipsters also
alert federal or state health or law enforcement agencies to wrongdoing
by health care providers and insurers, often in the context of qui
tam litigation. What of HIPAA's effect on this kind of surreptitious
disclosure? Can the hospital that employs the whistleblower be caught
in a Kafkaesque scenario where it is liable for a tipster's actions
that violate the hospital's own rules and procedures forbidding
disclosure?
Section 164.502 of the final HIPAA
privacy rule46 contains the general rules for uses and disclosures
of protected health information. Subsection (j) is entitled, "Standard:
Disclosures by whistleblowers and workforce member crime victims."47
The rule declares that a "covered
entity"--for example, a hospital, health plan, or health care clearinghouse--is
"not considered" to have violated the general rule against unauthorized
disclosure of "protected health information" (PHI) if the disclosure
comes from a member of the entity's workforce (the whistleblower)
who "believes in good faith" that conduct at the covered entity
"is unlawful or otherwise violates professional or clinical standards
... or potentially endangers ... the public."48 The rule applies only
if the whistleblower's disclosure is to a health oversight agency,
public health authority, health care accreditation organization,
or to an attorney retained by or on behalf of the whistleblower
to help assess legal options.49
Plain Meaning and Legislative History
When HIPAA was working its way through
the legislative process in 1995 and 1996, legislators and lobbyists
concentrated on the parts of the act dealing with insurance portability
and health care fraud and abuse. The introduction of electronic
data interchange and its accompanying security and privacy protections
received relatively scant attention. For example, there was no mention,
much less lengthy or detailed analysis, of whether HIPAA's prohibitions
on disclosure of health records might run afoul of the First Amendment,
or present First Amendment issues that Congress should attempt to
balance against the reasons for privacy protections. Put another
way, there are no legislative findings on the questions surrounding
the value of press scrutiny of potential wrongdoing or ineptitude
in the health care industry, or the need to reconcile the potential
adverse effect of press reports on the privacy rights of some patients.
This then is the background against
which courts might be asked to construe investigative reporting
of wrongdoing, in circumstances where the reports are based on protected
health information--medical records of identified individuals--obtained
by the press in violation of HIPAA. To give this a context, and
for purposes of analysis only, here is a hypothetical scenario framed
by HIPAA.
Suppose that a hacker illegally penetrates
the information systems of a major medical center, downloads a large
number of patient records (say, 1,000)50 , and leaves disks containing
the records in the mailbox of a local newspaper reporter. (Using
disks, the hacker reasons, prevents law enforcement from tracing
an email or similar transmission of the records. A hacker could
use a variety of techniques to try to make the transmission anonymous,
but our hacker is unwilling to take the small risk that very sophisticated
technology, properly applied, could reconstruct the path back to
him. The hacker considers the risk of being seen, and identified,
when placing the disk in the reporter's mailbox to be much smaller,
and therefore acceptable.)
Reviewing the disk, the reporters
sees that the records may be interpreted to show a pattern at the
medical center of failing to make, or to act early enough upon,
diagnoses of serious diseases. In fact, there may be sufficient
deficiencies to support seeking an accreditation review of the hospital.
The records include the medical files of celebrities and politicians.
Among the records are those of the governor and the chief justice
of the state's highest court. Test results show that the governor's
heart disease is much more serious than has been described to the
public. The chief justice's medical records reveal a diagnosis of
cancer, a condition that has not been made public.
Arrest, Search, Seizure
The newspaper publishes the first
in a series of articles about these revelations, using the medical
records of the governor and chief justice as examples of the hospital's
pattern of late diagnoses of serious diseases. Further articles
by the same reporter are slated for publication over the next three
days. However, on the afternoon of the day when the first article
appears, the FBI comes calling. The reporter, editor, and publisher
are arrested and led away in handcuffs. Search warrants are executed
at the newspaper and the reporter's home and car.
Attempts by the paper to quash the
search warrants are unsuccessful. An assistant U.S. attorney successfully
argues to a federal magistrate judge that "merely obtaining" individually
identifiable medical records without authorization violates 42 U.S.C.
§1320d-2, d-6. Moreover, disclosing unique health identifiers and
individually identified health information without authorization
is per se a violation of the statute. Further, adds the government
attorney, the disclosures in this case appear to be acting in concert
with a hacker who used false pretenses. Moreover, publication by
the newspaper appears to show that disclosure was made, in the words
of the statute, "with intent to sell, transfer, or use individually
identifiable health information for commercial advantage, personal
gain, or malicious harm."51 The malice is the hacker's, argues the
government, and the commercial advantage and personal gain are inarguably
among the newspaper's motivations--the publishers are trying to
sell papers.
Indictment
Soon, indictments of the reporter,
editor, and publisher follow. They all are charged under 42 U.S.C.
§1320d-2, d-6, and, if convicted of all charges, face a maximum
of 10 years in prison and a fine of $250,000 each.52 Moreover, the
chief executive and the chief of information systems of the hospital
also are indicted under the same sections of the statute, but for
lesser offenses, so that each faces the possibility of a year in
prison and a $50,000 fine.53
Class Action and Downstream Lawsuits
Shortly after the indictments become
public, a class action is filed on state law negligence and invasion
of privacy grounds against the hospital, its chief executive officer,
chief information officer, and board of trustees. The hospital's
principal computer system vendors are also listed as defendants,
on the theory (as explained in the complaint) that they furnished
medical record computer systems that lacked adequate security features
to satisfy HIPAA's standard of care. The complaint alleges that
the hospital, its officers, directors, and employees (and its systems
vendors) failed to implement the standard of care for security and
privacy demanded by HIPAA. The suit seeks damages for the patients'
emotional distress as well as damages for loss of employment and
inability to buy insurance, alleged specifically on behalf of several
members of the class who suffered these consequences after the public
release of their medical records.
Two weeks go by, and the newspaper
is sued by the hospital and the other defendants in the class action.
The plaintiffs' theory is that the publisher, editors, and reporters
at the paper acted negligently (under the standard of care mandated
by HIPAA) in not safeguarding the medical records once they realized
what had been given to them by the hacker, and in fact then conspired
with the hacker to commit the intentional tort of invasion of privacy.
The suit is joined some time later by a number of the patients whose
identified medical records the paper published, also seeking relief
on invasion of privacy grounds. The governor is among these plaintiffs.
Constitutional Doctrine and Legislative
Intent
How do these facts fare under a Bartnicki
analysis?
Perhaps the starting point is that
HIPAA makes it a crime knowingly to "use," or "cause to be used"
a unique health identifier; to "obtain" individually identifiable
health information; or to "disclose" that information to another
person.54 HIPAA thus presents the "still-open question"55 that the court
in Bartnicki specifically stated it was avoiding: Whether
Congress can constitutionally make criminal the "mere" obtaining
of illegally intercepted content.56
A related question is whether Congress
made sufficient findings before passing HIPAA to support this criminal
prohibition. A third question, one closer to Bartnicki's
facts, is whether publication of the medical records, which were
obtained by the newspaper without proper authorization under HIPAA--and
therefore obtained and possessed illegally--is also a criminal act.57
There is apparently no legislative
history about how Congress viewed the balance between the press's
robust reporting of alleged wrongdoing in the health care system
and preservation of the near-absolute privacy of patients' medical
records. An unbiased reader of HIPAA's legislative history might
conclude that Congress's view of this balance can only be inferred
(though the inference may be strong). Similarly, there is no legislative
history illuminating Congress's view about the First Amendment value
of reporting public figures' medical records, and how that should
be balanced against public figures' privacy interests. Apparently,
these questions were not considered in the legislative process that
produced HIPAA.
Courts may infer from reading HIPAA,
and especially 42 U.S.C. §§1320d-2, 1320d-6, that Congress obviously
intended to, and did, treat all individually identifiable
medical records as a special category of information. That is, Congress
identified a class of speech defined solely by its content. (Whether
this category is content-neutral for purposes of constitutional
adjudication is of course a separate question.) Further, Congress
intended to protect all the information in this special category
with a high level of security and with detailed privacy restrictions.
Will courts require more support for these propositions when the
congressional intent and rationale are so clear from the face of
the statute, and when concerns for privacy generally, and medical
record privacy in particular, are so easy to document?
Public Interest, Private Records
Does HIPAA create an exception to
the thrust of Times v. Sullivan?58 Is there now a HIPAA-imposed
rule that the medical records of public figures lie in the same
category as the medical records of the general public, so that all
of these records are entitled to HIPAA's strong protections against
disclosure (unless the disclosure is made, or specifically authorized
by, the patient)? This is a threshold question before the trial
court as it considers the criminal liability of the newspaper and
its publisher, editor, and reporter who "obtained" the disk and,
upon realizing what it contained, failed to safeguard its contents
and to turn it over to the police immediately.59
One of the difficulties facing the
trial and appellate courts in analyzing this issue is the lack of
any congressional hearings or debate on the role of the press in
continuing to report on the health care system. Without evidence
in the legislative history that Congress considered the important
balance between free press values and patients' privacy interests
when it enacted HIPAA, will courts be willing to impose the plain
language of HIPAA on how the press can, or must, deal with individually
identifiable health records that come into its possession from whistleblowers
(supposed do-gooders) or wrongdoers? Will courts see a justification
for imposing a different rule for patients who are public figures,
under a Times v. Sullivan rationale? Do the medical circumstances
of the public figure, or the circumstances under which the press
"obtains" the medical records, allow or require courts to enforce
HIPAA differently? Conversely, does the lack of legislative history
for all these issues demand a uniform imposition of HIPAA's high
security and privacy standards--and uniform penalties for failing
to adhere to them?
Strict Scrutiny
Some of this analysis may be expressed
in terms of whether "strict scrutiny" is the appropriate test for
courts to use in testing HIPAA.60 If so, courts may demand specific,
careful legislative findings to buttress imposition of criminal
sanctions for merely obtaining protected patient records, where
the press, as a passive recipient, has no role in acquiring the
information. Of course, whether the press's subsequent use and disclosure
of protected health information so received converts its role from
passive to active, and therefore criminal, is also part of the mix.
The press will argue that HIPAA's
criminal framework is just the kind of "naked prohibition against
disclosures ... fairly characterized as a regulation of pure speech,"61
requiring imposition of "strict," rather than "intermediate," scrutiny.62
They will also argue that strict scrutiny is required because 42
U.S.C. §1320d-6(a) is a "flat ban against unauthorized speech about
medical records.63 Whether strict or intermediate scrutiny is appropriate
depends in part on whether HIPAA's prohibition against unauthorized
use or disclosure of medical records is categorized as "content
neutral." In Bartnicki, the court held that the federal and
Pennsylvania wiretap statutes in question both were content neutral
because their application did not depend on the contents of the
intercepted conversations.64 (Bartnicki did not involve the
flat-ban issue.)
HIPAA's prohibitions of course are
directed at records defined by their content. There is a careful,
content-based definition in the statute of "individually identifiable
health information,"65 and the final privacy rule also defines "protected
health information" based on its content.66 The definitions may be
described as "content neutral" only in the sense that they do not
depend on whether the information is long or short, comprehensive
or partial, or on whether the medical news might be considered routine
or exceptional, good or bad.
Narrow Tailoring
This article is not the place to examine
the various analytical paths to different definitions of "content
neutral." Suffice it to say that helpful analogs to the problems
of singling out medical records for unique treatment under the First
Amendment may be the definitional issues surrounding classified
information,67 commercial speech, and obscenity and indecency. These
doctrinal paths probably lead to the question of whether HIPAA's
prohibition against the unauthorized use or disclosure of patients'
medical records is "narrowly tailored" to effect the legitimate
privacy interests that Congress is seeking to protect.
That, in turn, leads back to whether
Congress made sufficient findings to enable a useful analysis of
the sufficiency of its tailoring of HIPAA to meet Congress's specific
goals. There will be great temptation for courts simply to assess
Congress's goals from the plain meaning of HIPAA's statutory language,
and hold that the obvious privacy interests in everybody's medical
records sustains the definitions--which a court of this mind would
classify as "appropriately narrow"--of individually identifiable
health information, and its permissible uses and disclosures.
Public figures will argue that their
medical records are entitled under HIPAA to exactly the same protection
as anybody else's. (There is no exception in HIPAA permitting less
confidentiality for the medical records of political office holders,
celebrities, or anyone else, and no mention in HIPAA's legislative
history of consideration of any exception of this kind.) Under this
view, the public release of officeholders' medical records should
be allowed only if the patient authorizes their release because
of a public relations, political, or a similarly personal calculus,
and not because of an exception (or loophole) created by judges.
After all, as the preamble to HIPAA's final privacy rules states,
the willingness of any patient to enter into a frank exchange of
information with doctors depends on the patient's assurance that
the information will be disclosed only to those who need to know
it for purposes of diagnosis and treatment (and payment for the
care). Nothing in a public figure's status diminishes those privacy
interests, nor the First Amendment interest in encouraging the private
speech between patient and caregiver.68
A separate set of questions attends
the issue of whether civil and criminal liability is appropriately
imposed upon the hospital and its officers and directors for the
disclosure of medical records released through the whistleblower's
actions. Recall that the Final Privacy Rules specifically declare
that a "covered entity" will not be held liable for a disclosure
in these circumstances.69
Doubts About the Whistleblower Rule
However, the class-action plaintiffs
(the people whose medical records were disclosed by the newspaper)
will argue that the whistleblower rule adopted by the secretary
is contrary to HIPAA, and in any event guides only HHS's enforcement
of civil penalties under the Final Privacy Rules. They will argue
that the whistleblower rule is not a limitation on enforcement of
HIPAA's criminal penalties by the Department of Justice, nor on
tort, contract, and other state and federal causes of action available
to civil plaintiffs (such as violation of state and federal consumer
protection laws).
Moreover, it is not at all clear that
the courts will sustain the exemption for a covered entity's liability
under the Final Privacy Rule when a whistleblower causes the breach
of confidentiality. Nothing in the plain language of Section 1320d-2
(d)(2)--or any other section of HIPAA or its legislative history--offers
any basis for this exception. Consequently, plaintiffs in court
cases who also complain to HHS and seek enforcement action are likely
to challenge Section 164.504 (j) and seek its invalidation. Their
argument will be that the exception is facially inconsistent with
the plain language of Section 1320d-2 (d)(2). They will point out
that a covered entity's internal security threats are foreseeable,
and, indeed, that it is well known in the security industry that
the greatest threats are internal. Therefore, a whistleblower threat
falls squarely within Section 1320d-2 (d)(2)'s requirement that
a covered entity maintain safeguards to "ensure" the integrity and
confidentiality of medical records and "protect against any reasonably
anticipated ... threats or hazards ... and ... unauthorized uses." 70
Because of this facial inconsistency,
HHS's interpretation of the statute as expressed in Section 164.504(j)
of the Final Privacy Rule, may not be entitled to Chevron
deference.71 The first step in a Chevron analysis is to ask
"whether Congress has directly spoken to the precise question at
issue."72 If it has, the matter ends because courts and agencies (including
executive departments) "must give effect to the unambiguously expressed
intent of Congress."73 Only if the court finds "that the statute is
silent or ambiguous with respect to the precise question at issue,"74
does the court proceed to the second Chevron step of asking
whether the agency has construed the statute permissibly. Only in
the second step is the agency's interpretation due "substantial
deference."75
Whether or not the rule is ever invalidated,
its usefulness for hospitals and other covered entities is in great
doubt in civil suits under state law. The hospital in our hypothetical
example may seek a ruling of law (or, later, a jury instruction),
based on this part of the privacy rule, that the hospital cannot
be found negligent for failure to supervise the whistleblower, or
for failure to prevent the whistleblower from hacking the hospital's
systems. Its theory would be that Section 164.504(j) exempts hospitals
from HHS sanction in this circumstance, and that courts should adopt
the same approach. That will be a hard sell under state tort law.
After all, the very issue to be tried is whether the hospital's
conduct is negligent. Under all these circumstances, courts are
likely to find that they owe little if any deference to the Secretary's
interpretation.
Technology, Public Issues, and Fundamental
Rights
The flat ban on press coverage of
health issues that lurks in HIPAA may well be vulnerable to constitutional
challenge. However, the road in this kind litigation is often long,76
and the risks in the interim are real. Any reporter who is thinking
about a story that draws support from surreptitiously obtained medical
records, any editor and publisher faced with the opportunities and
obligations that a story like this carries, and any lawyer called
upon to give pre-publication advice, faces risks far graver than
before. The uncertainties are enormous.
The constitutional analysis of free-press
privacy issues in light of HIPAA is beset with proliferating issues.
Initially, juries may decide some of the more important constitutional
questions, at least in the first instance. They may do so in cases
where plaintiffs have suffered kinds of harm with enormous emotional
appeal--there but for the grace of fortune go I (and my medical
records, now public on the Internet, for all, including employer
and insurance company, to see). These are the kinds of cases where
juries may want to send messages.
In settings like this, the long-term
value of preserving robust, critical reporting by the press is not
easy for jurors to see. That may be all the more true because so
much technology is available to make enterprise security better.
The fact that the technology is by no means fail-safe, is expensive
to deploy, and is not yet engineered for health care uses may not
give juries much pause.
It may be too early to handicap a
declaratory judgment attack against HIPAA's muzzling of the press.
Much will depend on how the case is brought--on its facts, and on
how the record is developed (related but distinct elements). Yet
the intention here is not to be pessimistic. Congress, in its sincere
attempts to anticipate the potential loss of loss of privacy once
medical records are converted to digital form, went too far in parts
of HIPAA. Courts--and soon enough the U.S. Supreme Court--may be
asked to ameliorate the overbreadth.77
HIPAA's statutory language evinces
Congress's judgment that medical records are inherently private,
without regard to circumstances, unless the patients themselves
authorize release. Even then, the release need not be general or
public. Under the statute and the HIPAA privacy regulations, medical
records can be authorized for release for very specific purposes
only. In those situations, the privacy and security of the records
for all other disclosures and uses must still remain intact.
Because Congress's goals are so apparent,
the absence of a well-developed legislative record to explicate
them may not matter in many of the press cases arising under HIPAA.
Courts will be able to enforce the statute and its complicated implementing
regulations--or rely on HIPAA as a reference to establish duties
of care under state law--with little hindrance. In other words,
in many--but not all--of these cases, HIPAA (whether attacked on
its face or as applied) may survive strict scrutiny, in part because
courts will rule that the statute (sometimes alone, sometimes as
implemented through HHS's regulations, sometimes as a reference
point for state tort-law theories) is sufficiently narrowly tailored
to cover the facts at issue.78 Where along the spectrum of public
interest this rationale may weaken, and where the tailoring may
no longer be sufficient, probably will be developed in a manner
akin to the evolution of the Times v. Sullivan constitutional
privilege.
When the privacy rights created under
HIPAA clash with First Amendment press rights, the job before the
courts will not be easy. Here Congress is facing direct, established
limitations on its powers, though the extent and shape of those
limits will not be clear early in HIPAA's litigation history. Will
judges insist on a better legislative record before they are willing
to read HIPAA as criminalizing the press's receipt or use of individuals'
medical records in reporting news and uncovering wrongdoing (questions
closely related to what is left open in Bartnicki)? Will
it matter how the press uses these records? That is, will First
Amendment protection hinge on the content of the reporting? Will
First Amendment protection for press reporting of medical histories
translate into an extension of the Times v. Sullivan privilege
for revealing certain medical records in which the public has a
"legitimate" interest? Will there be different rules for public
figures who are not public officials, when medical records are at
issue? Or might the courts conclude that even public officials,
or public figures generally, are entitled to absolute privacy, or
something close to it, for their medical records? For now, reporters
and editors can only guess at the boundaries, and part of the price
for misjudgment may be criminal prosecution.
Conclusion
HIPAA is designed to accelerate the
spread of digital technology in the name of efficiency in health
care, and to protect against new threats resulting directly from
the employment of digital technology. Ironically, HIPAA will have
major unintended effects as well. It paints a bullseye on hospitals,
physician practices, and other enterprises in the health care system.
Hackers' attention will be drawn to medical records, and the challenges
of stealing them, as never before. The allure of harm and havoc,
the danger of raised stakes--these will be part of HIPAA, too. For
some time to come, hackers probably have the edge. Will they use
it? And who bears the most risk from their attempts?
HIPAA will set in motion new challenges
to fundamental rights and to the constitutional doctrines designed
to protect them. What right does the press have to uncover and report
problems in the health system, when the coverage inevitably deprives
some people of their right to the privacy of their medical records?
How well can courts resolve these clashes? Can Congress be convinced
that HIPAA needs revision even before it is fully implemented?
As legislatures react to the startling new
benefits and threats of digital technology--seeking to promote the
good and bottle-up the bad--courts will face seemingly endless challenges
in fitting established doctrine to new, technologically driven social
patterns. The HIPAA saga, an exemplar, has just begun.
FOOTNOTES:
1 Bartnicki v.
Vopper, No. 99-1687 (U.S. May 21, 2001), slip op. at 2; 121
S.Ct. 1753 (2001); 6 ECLR 574, 5/30/01.
2 Id. at 2-3.
3 Id. at 3.
4 Id. at 4.
5 Id. at 3.
6 Id. at 4.
7 Id.
8 Id. at 6.
9 Id.
10 Id. at
20.
11 Id. at
9.
12 Id. at
10.
13 Id. at
11.
14 Id. at
14.
15 Id. at
17.
16 Id. at
12.
17 Id. at
17.
18 Id. at
14.
19 Id. at
18-19.
20 Id. at
19.
21 Id.
22 Id.
23 Id. at
13.
24 Id.
25 Bartnicki,
concurring opinion, slip op. at 1.
26 Id. at
4.
27 Id. at
5.
28 Id.
29 Id. at
6.
30 Id.
31 Id. at
7.
32 Bartnicki,
dissenting opinion, slip op. at 4.
33 Id. at
2-4.
34 Smith v. Daily
Mail Publishing Co., 443 U.S. 97 (1979) (name of juvenile defendant);
Florida Star v. B.J.F., 491 U.S. 524 (1989) (name of rape
victim); Cox Broadcasting Corp. v. Cohn, 420 U.S. 469 (1975)
(name of rape victim); Landmark Communications Inc. v. Virginia,
435 U.S. 829 (1978) (confidential proceedings of state judicial
review commission).
35 Bartnicki,
dissenting opinion, slip op. at 5.
36 Id. at
8.
37 Id. at
7.
38 Id. at
15.
39 Standards for Privacy
of Individually Identifiable Health Information; Final Rule, 65
Fed. Reg. 82462, 82463-71 (2000), to be codified at 445 C.F.R. pts.
160, 164.
40 42 U.S.C. §1320d-2(d) states:
§1320d-2. Standards
for information transaction and data elements
(d) Security standards
for health information
(1) Security standards
The Secretary shall adopt security
standards that--
(A) take into account--
(i) the technical capabilities of record systems used to maintain
health information;
(ii) the costs of security measures;
(iii)
the need for training persons who have access to health information;
(iv) the value of audit trails in computerized record systems;
and
(v) the needs and capabilities of small health care providers
and rural health care providers (as such providers are defined by
the Secretary); and
(B) ensure that a health care clearinghouse,
if it is part of a larger organization, has policies and security
procedures which isolate the activities of the health care clearinghouse
with respect to processing information in a manner that prevents
unauthorized access to such information by such larger organization.
(2) Safeguards
Each person described in section 1320d-1(a) of
this title who maintains or transmits health information shall maintain
reasonable and appropriate administrative, technical, and physical
safeguards--
(A) to ensure the integrity and confidentiality of
the information;
(B) to protect against any reasonably anticipated--
(i) threats or hazards to the security or integrity of the information;
and
(ii) unauthorized uses or disclosures of the information;
and
(C) otherwise to ensure compliance with this part of the officers
and employees of such person.
41 42 U.S.C.§1320d-6
states:
§1320d-6.
Wrongful disclosure of individually identifiable health information
(a) Offense
A person who knowingly and in violation of this
part--
(1) uses or causes to be used a unique health identifier;
(2) obtains individually identifiable health information relating
to an individual; or
(3) discloses individually identifiable health
information to another person, shall be punished as provided in
subsection (b) of this section.
(b) Penalties
A person described
in subsection (a) of this section shall--
(1) be fined not more
than $50,000, imprisoned not more than 1 year, or both;
(2) if
the offense is committed under false pretenses, be fined not more
than $100,000, imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both; and
(3)
if the offense is committed with intent to sell, transfer, or use
individually identifiable health information for commercial advantage,
personal gain, or malicious harm, be fined not more than $250,000,
imprisoned not more than 10 years, or both.
42 Final Privacy Rules,
(to be codified at 45 C.F.R. pts. 160, 164).
43See, e.g.,
Legislators Urge Bush Not to Weaken Contested Provisions in Medical
Privacy Rule (9 HCPR 881, 6/4/01).
44 Final Privacy Rules, supra n.42.
45 Final Privacy Rules, supra n.42,
at 82464-71.
46 45 C.F.R. §164.502.
47
45 C.F.R. §164.502(j).
48 45 C.F.R. §164.502(j)(1)(i).
49 45 C.F.R.
§164.502(j)(1)(ii).
50 This is a realistic
number, one that could easily be exceeded by a successful hacker.
See, e.g., Greg Farrell, Medical Records Particularly Vulnerable
to ID Theft, U.S.A. Today, Dec. 13, 2000, at 3B (successful
hacker attack obtained thousands of patient records at University
of Washington Medical Center); David Wahlberg, Patient Records
Exposed on Web, The Ann Arbor News, Feb. 10, 1999 (thousands
of patient records at University of Michigan Medical Center exposed
to public access on Internet); compare Julekha Dash, Health-Care
Industry Looks at Security Risks, ComputerWorld, Aug. 14, 2000
(theft of at least 23 patient records by temporary data-entry clerk
at Dana-Farber Cancer Institute).
51 42 U.S.C. §1320d-6
(b)(3).
52 See 42
U.S.C. §1320d-6 (b)(3). The indictment charges intent to use the
medical records for commercial advantage and personal gain.
53 See 42
U.S.C. §1320d-6 (b)(1). The indictment charges disclosure of individually
identifiable health information to another person through the hospital's
(and its officers' and directors') knowing failure to implement
the safeguards required under 42 U.S.C. §1320d-2 (d)(2) ("ensure"
against "any reasonably anticipated ... threats or hazards" to security,
integrity, and unauthorized uses or disclosures of an individual's
medical records).
54 42 U.S.C. §1320d-6 (a).
55 Bartnicki,
slip op. at 13.
56 Section 1320d-6
(a)(2) makes it a criminal offense for a person "knowingly and in
violation of this part" to "obtain[] individually identifiable health
information relating to an individual." (Emphasis added.) As the
court in Bartnicki emphasized, it has yet to face a case
where a statute "proscribe[d] receipt" of information. Slip op.
at 10 (citing Florida Star v. B.J.F., 491 U.S. 524, 536 (1989)).
57 Where the punished publisher of information
has obtained the information in question in a manner lawful in itself
but from a source who has obtained it unlawfully, may the government
punish the ensuing publication of that information based on a defect
in a chain? Slip op. at 13.
58 New York Times
Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254 (1964) (imposing the "actual malice"
standard under the First Amendment to protect and encourage reporting
about "public officials"). For development of the Times v. Sullivan
doctrine and its extension to "public figures," see generally Milkovich
v. Lorain Journal Co., 497 U.S. 1 (1990).
59 The final privacy rule, 45 C.F.R.
§164.502(j)(1)(ii)(B) states that a "covered entity" is not considered
to have violated the rule's confidentiality restrictions if there
is disclosure by a whistleblower to (among other choices) an attorney
retained by the whistleblower to advise about legal options. Attorneys
in this situations should note that nothing in the statute exempts
them from 42 U.S.C. §1320d-6 (a)(2), making the obtaining of individually
identifiable health information subject to the criminal penalties
in 42 U.S.C. §1320d-6 (b).
60 Cf. Bartnicki,
concurring opinion, slip op. at 2.
61 Bartnicki,
slip. op.. at 11.
62 See Bartnicki,
slip op. at 6.
63 See R.A.V.
v. City of St. Paul, Minn., 505 U.S. 357, 381 (1992) (holding
facially unconstitutional city's bias-motivated crime ordinance,
on grounds that "it prohibits otherwise permitted speech solely
on the basis of the subjects the speech addresses," and declining
to reach the issue of overbreadth (see supra n.77)).
64
Slip op. at 10-11.
65 42. U.S.C. §1320d (6).
66 Final Privacy Rules,
65 Fed. Reg. at 82496-97.
67 Compare Snepp
v. U.S., 444 U.S. 507 (1980) (per curiam) (upholding validity
of secrecy agreement required for employment by the Central Intelligence
Agency), with New York Times Co. v. U.S., 403 U.S. 713 (1971)
(per curiam) (the "Pentagon Papers" case) .
68Bartnicki,
dissent, slip. op. at 7.
69 Final Privacy
Rules, 65 Fed. Reg. at 82504-05; 45 C.F.R. §164.504 (j).
70 45 C.F.R
§1320d-2 (d)(2).
71 Chevron U.S.A.
v Natural Resources Defense Council Inc., 467 U.S. 837 (1984).
72 Id. at
842; see e.g., U.S. Telecom. Assn. V. F.C.C., 277 F.3d 450,
457 (D.C. Cir. 2000).
73 Chevron
at 842-43; see U.S. Telecom, 277 F.3d at 457.
74 U.S. Telecom,
277 F.3d at 457.
75 Id. at
457-58.
76 See, e.g.,
Community-Serv. Broad. of Mid-America, Inc. v. F.C.C., 593 F.2d
1102 (D.C. Cir. 1978)(section of Communications Act held invalid
on First Amendment and equal protection grounds).
77 The word is used
in the sense of the U.S. Supreme Court's overbreadth doctrine. See
Broaderick v. Oklahoma, 413 U.S. 601 (1973); see generally Tribe,
American Constitutional Law 1022-29 (2d ed. 1988).
78 But see US
West Inc. v. F.C.C., 182 F.3d 1224 (10th Cir. 1999), cert.
denied sub nom. Competition Policy Inst. v. US West Inc., 120
S.Ct. 2215 (2000) (FCC order requiring opt-in regime for marketing
of consumer information invalidated on grounds that privacy protections
created burden on free speech and were not narrowly tailored).
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